In Modi 3.0, hate crimes surge particularly against Christians

Mohammed Rumman Khan | NT

Bengaluru

In the first year of Narendra Modi’s third term as Prime Minister, India recorded a staggering 947 hate-related incidents, 602 hate crimes and 345 hate speech cases, revealing a chilling pattern of targeted violence and discrimination against Christians and Muslims.

The data, compiled by the Association for Protection of Civil Rights (APCR) and the Quill Foundation, paints a bleak picture of growing impunity, political complicity, and institutional apathy. Christians, often overlooked in mainstream hate crime discourse, bore the brunt of coordinated attacks.

Despite facing fewer incidents than Muslims, 1,504 Christians were victimised in just 85 incidents, while 1,460 Muslims were attacked across 419 incidents, making Christians the most affected in terms of individual victims. Prayer meetings were disrupted, pastors arrested, churches vandalised, Easter services attacked, and even senior priests assaulted, sometimes inside police stations.

In March 2025 alone, 267 Christians were attacked, as right-wing outfits orchestrated a nationwide wave of anti-Christian violence. Children weren’t spared either, Christian kindergartners were harassed, and women targeted through threats and humiliation. In Telangana, a man distributing Bibles was harassed.

In Jabalpur, a senior priest was beaten inside a police station after seeking help for 50 Christians whose bus had been hijacked by right-wing groups. In Uttar Pradesh, VHP members stormed a kindergarten, disrupting Christmas celebrations and frightening children and teachers. In Jharkhand and Maharashtra, repeated disruptions of prayer gatherings and arrests of pastors on fabricated “conversion” charges were reported. Christian students were shamed in classrooms; women were stalked and harassed, says the report.

Of the 345 hate speech cases, 178 were linked to BJP leaders, including Prime Minister Modi (5 instances), 63 BJP chief ministers, and 71 other elected officials. Disturbingly, two sitting judges and one governor also made hate-filled remarks, showing how communal rhetoric has penetrated the highest levels of governance, said the report.

The report reveals a calculated pattern: BJP-ruled states dominated the hate crime charts. Four of the five worstaffected states, Uttar Pradesh (217 incidents), Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Jharkhand, and Uttarakhand were all under BJP rule throughout the year. Hate crime spikes aligned with religious festivals and political events. October alone saw 80 incidents, with many attacks on Muslims during Navratri and on Christians during Christmas.

March witnessed over 260 Christians attacked, with churches vandalised and priests assaulted, some inside police stations.

In April and May, following the Pahalgam terror attack, 87 hate crimes and 20 hate speeches were recorded, primarily targeting Muslims. Even minors and the elderly were not spared. At least 62 children including 30 Muslims and 10 Christians were harmed in 32 incidents. Perhaps the most dangerous finding is that hate speech often precedes hate crime.

The report notes that 61% of hate speeches either directly led to violence or created conditions that enabled it. 257 speeches promote dangerous stereotypes, and 186 attack religious beliefs. Most were delivered at public rallies or meetings, 288 of 345 were either live streamed or televised. Right-wing groups like Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and Hindu Raksha Dal were repeatedly named in both hate crime and hate speech cases. BJP leaders also led economic boycotts of Muslim-owned businesses.

In Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, coordinated campaigns to financially isolate Muslims were recorded. Despite the scale of violence, only 13% of hate crimes resulted in FIRs, indicating either systemic failure or outright refusal by law enforcement to act. This legal vacuum emboldens perpetrators and silences victims.

The real numbers are likely far higher. Many incidents go unreported, especially in rural areas and among marginalised groups. Media focus on sensational cases often overlooks the daily, quiet normalisation of hate that minorities endure. This report lays bare a terrifying truth: hate is no longer an aberration; it is institutionalised policy.

Whether through inaction or incitement, the Indian state under the BJP is normalising religious hostility. Christians and Muslims are not just collateral, they are targets. As India completes a year under Modi’s third term, the message is clear: hate is no longer underground, it is state-enabled, systemically spread, and dangerously normalised.